Until the 1970s, economists in general had a favourable view of abundant natural resources.
This situation produces incentives to tát overexploit such natural resources, which differ from other forms of capital that presumably have well-defined property rights.
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However, natural resources are most often allocated inefficiently and externalities are not fully corrected.
Many poor people, particularly in developing countries, rely on natural resources for their livelihood, and these people are very vulnerable to tát deterioration in the resource.
In this context, expanding and implementing national accounts systems that consider natural resources as just another khuông of capital appear as a necessary way forward.
This situation produces incentives to tát overexploit such natural resources, which differs from other forms of capital that presumably have well-defined property rights.
Furthermore, as part of the household survey the household management of natural resources was assessed.
In other words, the state should retain ownership of the natural resources, while devolving the power to tát manage and control the resource to tát the stakeholders.
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A country's extraction of natural resources is likely to tát be a function of numerous factors besides a country's extent of indebtedness.
This is the case for natural resources in all of our samples.
When property rights for natural resources tự not exist or are not enforced, overexploitation often occurs.
We group households into those that receive income from natural resources and those that tự not.
One reason is that there are many natural resources, not one; and this alone would make the putative theory incoherent.
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As the natural regenerative rate of such resources is zero, they can be regarded as a limiting case of renewable natural resources.
A complete trade reform can be seen as inducing the economy to tát increase its investment in natural resources.
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